Medicare and Medicaid
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The Prescription for Revolutionary Healthcare Delivery Reform
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5 Steps to Get Americans on Board With Health Reform
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4 Potential Healthcare Roadblocks in the Senate
How NOT to Measure Healthcare Quality
Published November 12, 2009 @ 06:00AM PT
Guess what? Only 1% of hospitals are below average! At least that’s how chairmen of non-profit hospital Boards of Directors see it. Apparently they live in Garrison Keillor’s Lake Wobegon, where all the children are above average. Patients, well, we live in real towns. If you ever wondered why hospitals were such dangerous places to be, we can now give you a big hint.
Of 722 hospital chairmen surveyed in a Harvard study, 99% thought their hospitals performed as well as average. The scariest finding is that fully 100% of hospital chairmen for hospitals that perform the worst think their hospitals perform at least as well as average or typical hospitals. Ironically, that means the 1% who thought they were below average actually underestimated their hospitals. But that still leaves an incredibly significant number of chairmen who seem to live in an alternate universe.
The Dirty Little Secret of Health Care Cost Control
Published November 11, 2009 @ 02:12PM PT
The trickiest knot in health care reform isn't immigration or abortion or even a public option. It's who's going to pay for it. We've talked a-plenty about new revenue, be it the House's surtax on millionaires or the Senate's high-cost health insurance tax. But we also need money derived from the savings that can be wrung out of our bloated $2.4 trillion a year health care system (a figure that dwarfs the measly $90 billion a year we'll spend fixing it.) Half of the costs for each of the health care bills -- and more than half of what the Obama Administration has proposed throughout the year -- are recouped by policies that "bend the curve" of our accelerating health care costs. Indeed, Republicans have made bemoaning the proposed $500 billion over 10 years of cost containment provisions in Medicare into high kabuki theater. Nonetheless, we're hearing a new "conventional wisdom" that the reform plans aren't good because they don't do enough to control costs -- and some who push this thread into hyperbole by claiming there's no cost control at all.
Here's the dirty little secret of cost control at this stage of the game: most of the politicians making the claim that the reform bills don't do enough to control costs wouldn't be caught dead voting for the ideas that really will control costs!
Don't believe me? Well, let's take Mark Warner or Susan Collins or one of the other senators now looking to poke holes in a reform plan while being secretive about what their own method for controlling costs will be. Which of the following ideas would these so-called "fiscal conservatives" actually vote for?
First, there are the elements that we know with certainty that the Congressional Budget Office would score as an aggressive way to control costs. We can start with ending the program for overpaying Medicare Advantage for-profit HMOs per customer compared to traditional Medicare -- a proposal in all the bills that the CBO guarantees will cut costs but which the insurance industry and most Republicans and moderate Democrats are fighting. Or there's the "Cadillac" tax in the Senate Finance bill, itself a somewhat lame iteration of removing the tax exemption on employer-provided insurance, a guaranteed source of revenue that also exerts downwards pressure on the cost of insurance. Or how about a public option that pays Medicare-based rates, a tool that the CBO has repeatedly scored as a cost-saver and a significantly higher cost-saver than one with negotiated rates (Warner only supports the latter, Collins supports neither of the above)?
Second, you know what else would substantially save money? Having the federal government negotiate and/or set the rates for health care services. That's how every single-payer system, from Europe to Asia to Oceana, achieves the bulk of dramatic savings. That's how hybrid public-private systems like Japan have achieved such efficiency that our per-person costs are three times as much as theirs (if we waved a single-payer magic wand tomorrow and removed the administrative costs of private insurance, we'd still have 2.5 times the costs of Japan). That's even how the conservative and wholly privatized model of Switzerland operates. And I would have a heart attack and die if I saw a single centrist Senator propose it.
Finally, there are the cost control measures that will likely save money but which the Congressional Budget Office will score as netting very little savings. These are likely the proposals a Collins or a Warner will champion. But because the CBO is doubtful that they would produce guaranteed savings, we could implement them all and still be open to the charge of "This bill doesn't do enough to control costs." For example, many -- including Bob Laszewski -- are hailing the idea of either a bipartisan Congressional commission or an independent MedPAC-like board to propose and implement cost-control tools for Medicare free from the politicking of Congress. It's a good idea, but one that the CBO is not likely to score well (interestingly, because they don't think it will generate more savings that what's already included in the bills -- natch.) Investments in prevention, primary care, coordinate care, the medical home, electronic health records -- all elements that we know save money in state Medicaid programs, closed systems like the VA, and state-of-the-art high-quality health systems like the Mayo Clinic, all likely to leave the CBO unimpressed. Reducing hospital readmissions, making adjustments for productivity changes at hospitals, and allowing trimming waste, fraud and abuse? Already in the bill, chief. Tort reform? Fuggedaboutit.
I would love it if the reform bills in Congress did even more to reform the way Medicare delivers its payment systems, blazing a path for private payers to follow. Real cost containment won't come from a single bill but from creating tools that allow us to adjust and bend the curve next year, and the year after that, and the year after that. It's not that the proposals on the table do nothing -- that I fear is about to become an often-repeated lie -- and it's not like we don't know what we can do to bend costs even further. But getting these options past the so-called fiscal conservatives who should be championing them? That's the true Gordian knot.
The dirtiest secret of all is that in health care, one man's waste is another man's profit margin... and still another's campaign contribution.
(Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13061661@N08/ / CC BY-ND 2.0)
Is National Healthcare Reform Repeating Massachusetts' Mistakes?
Published November 10, 2009 @ 06:00AM PT
So where are we, as a nation, on health reform? You can compare the plans currently in play in an excellent summary here. But I can sum it up in two words: Massachusetts 2.0. Remember, MA was the first state to require all residents to have health insurance, with hardship exceptions. This was coupled with an employer mandate. It now has the highest percent insured population in the country, 97.4%. It is also drowning in healthcare costs, and looking for ways to cover them. The basis of its model: expand private insurance and use public insurance as a safety net. That has a familiar homey (or should I say House-y) ring to it, doesn’t it?
Given that Obama has studiously avoided talking about, much less praising, the MA effort, it’s ironic that Congressional efforts have mirrored this universal coverage pilot so closely. For instance, MA took the Congressional approach of tackling coverage first, and costs later. Nearly five years after its inception, MA universal healthcare is encountering steep resistance to proposed measures that would bend the cost curve, like Pay For Performance programs. As a result, insurance premiums continue to rise. They are expected to go up 10% for 2010. That’s not a good omen, as both chambers of Congress rely primarily on Medicare reimbursement cuts and pilot P4P programs to achieve cost savings.
More ominous yet, doctors in MA are cherry-picking patients based on their insurance plans. In MA as everywhere else, there is a shortage of primary care physicians. When demand is greater than supply, power shifts to those who provide the service. The complexity of the insurance behemoth wasn’t addressed during the MA overhaul, and it was in fact strengthened by a coverage mandate that did nothing to decrease insurance administrative bureaucracy. So doctors continue to pay for their correspondingly large administrative staff by preferentially seeing private plan patients. Some actually refuse to see poor patients on state-subsidized public plans.
Many Roads to Divide and Conquer Healthcare
Published November 04, 2009 @ 06:05AM PT
Have you noticed throughout the healthcare reform debate that most everyone seems unable to see the forest for the trees? We get hung up on illegal immigrants, abortion, the disabled, the poor, the pre-existing conditions crowd, the young, the old, the military, the employed, the self-employed, the government-employed, retired union members, small businesses, and large businesses. So much minutia, so little time. What if didn’t have to be like this?
As we know, there’s a plan for everything. Over 65 or disabled? There’s Medicare and perhaps CLASS. In poverty? There’s Medicaid. Slightly over the poverty line? We’ve got an Exchange for you. Eligible child? Try S-CHIP. Employed? Let’s hope your employer offers one of the 1,300 high-cost private health plans. Self-employed or unemployed? Good luck with that, try the Exchange. Got a pre-existing condition? We’ve got a risk pool with a waiting list that you can’t afford anyway. Work for the government? You’re in luck – it’s got the widest selection of health plans available in the US! All this complexity and division puts patients themselves at a decided disadvantage.
6 Treats in the New House Health Care Bill
Published October 31, 2009 @ 08:38PM PT
For a bill introduced during Halloween week, there was very little to shock and alarm us in the new combined House health care bill, HR 3962, the Affordable Health Care for America Act.
As much as progressive reform advocates rejoiced, there was a touch of anticlimax in the mainstream reporting. The only two parts that attracted media attention -- the price tag and the configuration of the public option -- haven’t moved at all from where we left them at the end of July. I know it doesn’t feel that way, in that said news coverage has made the evolution of the bill both seem like seat-of-the-pants, anything-can-happen toss-up on both issues. But we began August with a negotiated rates public option and a price tag just above $1 trillion -- and end with a negotiated rates public option and a price tag just above $1 trillion. From that point of view, ain't nothing new under the sun.
But that’s a deceptive way of looking at the House bill. Look closely and you’ll see some big surprises -- some vast improvements over the previous version, HR 3200, that was passed out of committee this summer. Here are 6 examples that we’re just not talking about enough when evaluating the impact of this bill, were it to pass.
- CLASS ACT joins the party -- This is a huge win for advocates for the disabled, and a huge cost-saver for the bill as a whole. Where currently Medicare’s reimbursement incentives all point towards institutionalization, either in a hospital or nursing home, and private insurance often has no provisions for long-term care, the CLASS ACT would create a new, voluntary, publicly run long-term care program that individuals can buy into with payroll reductions. This will allow more and more disabled Americans who can stay in their homes with regular visits from a nurse or aide to do so, and save a lot of money in the process.
- Take THAT prescription drugs! -- Pharma has really had an easy time in this season of reform. Few have been taking their name in vain or burned them in effigy. More to the point, we know Sen. Max Baucus and the White House struck a deal with Pharma over the summer to cap their contribution to reform at some $80 billion over 10 years – enough to partially close the Medicare Part D doughnut hole but not to wring even greater savings out of the system. Well, as Speaker Pelosi was fond of saying, the House wasn’t party to that deal -- and the new bill shows it. Not only does it completely eradicate the payment gap for Medicare Part D seniors over 10 years, but it requiring the Secretary of HHS to actually negotiate for the best drug prices in Medicare, rather than allowing Pharma to name its own price. Imagine that!
8 Things You Need to Know About the New House Health Reform Bill
Published October 30, 2009 @ 06:00AM PT
Nancy Pelosi couldn’t have announced the new House healthcare reform bill, the Affordable Health Care for America Act (H.R. 3962), with any more pomp and circumstance. It was certainly more impressive than the Senate’s mouse-like rollout, apparently intended to avoid rubbing salt in the Baucus “bipartisanship” wound. H.R. 3962 is definitely a major milestone in attempting to reform our broken system-less healthcare; it’s historic, certainly. But no, it’s not the best our legislators could do.
To be fair, House Democrats are being predictably attacked for their effort anyway. There’s the usual carefully contrived “It will raise the cost of Americans’ health insurance premiums; it will kill jobs with tax hikes and new mandates; and it will cut senior’s Medicare benefits.” Thank you Republican John Boehner. There’s also a highly amusing senior’s ad running. Check out this two-faced “how dare you cut (read: wring the waste out of) our government-run healthcare – we’re entitled to it! And by gum you young un’s better be scared of a government-run plan” message.
Meet Medicare Part E
Published October 23, 2009 @ 06:00AM PT
How much time-consuming bluster did it take to get to this simple and obvious option? Open up Medicare to everybody, like Ted Kennedy originally proposed in the Senate HELP bill. Part E does stand for “Everybody.” While it’s only one of the three public options being considered by the House, it’s the strongest. Keith Olbermann gives us a great introduction to the concept in the video clip above. Meet Medicare Part E.
